Monthly Archives: April 2012

Resolution on Minority witch-hunting and ‘war on terror’ by the Indian state

Resolution on Minority witch-hunting and ‘war on terror’ by the Indian state

 

The incidents of regular targeting of Muslims as ‘terrorists’ are on the rise, especially that of Muslim youths. Thousands of Muslim youths are regularly targeted, hounded up and arrested by the Indian state on fabricated charges under the UAPA, NSA, MCoCA, GujCoCA and other draconian laws. Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) was banned without an iota of concrete evidences by the NDA government. The UPA government further extended the ban even after a tribunal lifted the ban for lack of evidence. Hundreds of SIMI activists were harassed, arrested and tortured. In the past five years the targeting are taking place in the name of ‘Indian Mujahidin’, a non-existent organisation propped up by intelligence agencies. The repeated witch-hunting of Muslims exposes one of the most brutal faces of the Indian ruling class. In various cases of bomb blasts be it Ajmer Sharif, Samjhauta Express, Mecca Masjid blast and others scores of muslims particularly muslim youth have been repeatedly targeted, implicated, arrested, harassed and tortured. They continue to languish in jails even after the bone-chilling confessions of Aseemanand revealing: not muslims, but the Sangh giroh were behind these attacks. The cases of Muslim witch-hunting continue unabashed across the country. The cold blooded murder of Ishrat Jahan and others and the fake encounter killing of two young innocent boys in Batla House are just a few gory instances of a concerted and systemic attack.

 

Whenever the ruling parties fail to exploit the Muslims as ‘vote banks’, they are conveniently branded as terrorists. There are simply no distinction between the NDA and the UPA regime in persecuting and oppressing the Muslims. The parliamentary pseudo-left too are no exception. We have seen how during the Nandigram struggle, the same Muslims who used to be considered as loyal supporters of CPM were branded as “Islamic terrorists” by the CPM government once they led the anti-land grab movement from the forefront. The Indian ruling classes are playing the role of a loyal foot soldier of the US-Israel dictated ‘war on terror’. The discrimination and persecution of muslims only reflects the hindu fascist character of the Indian state.

 

This house condemns the arrests of hundreds of Muslims especially youths and also of reputed journalists like Mohammad Ahmed Qazmi. This house demands their immediate release. This house also demands the srapping of the draconian UAPA. This house also resolves to intensify the struggle against the Hindu fascist forces and fight in solidarity with genuine Muslim organizations against the persecution and exploitation of the Muslims and for justice.

 

Resolution on higher education

Resolution on higher education

 

The education system in the country today is under the multipronged assault in the form of Liberalisation, Privatisation and Globalisation (LPG). With the aggressive implementation of LPG what we have witnessed over the last two decades is an increasing onslaught on the hard earned rights of the people—such as social security, job security and right to organise against the exploitative management to protect the rights of the working sections for better working conditions of the people. The state has pushed through anti-worker regressive labour laws to further the logic of surplus maximisation of decadent capital. In such a scenario one of the most sought after spaces of control and hence exploitation has been the higher education sector in the Indian subcontinent. More so with the government unequivocally declaring that all hurdles towards making the education sector a profit-making enterprise should be done away with. For the last two decades have shown enough indications of how things would fall in place as a strategy in the form of anti-people policies as well as laws to facilitate the exploitative mechanisms of capital. Further, we were also witness to a range of tactics adopted by the state to divide the raging resistance of the working people.

 

In consonance with the directives of the World Bank to minimise the possible resistance against the implementation of the policies of LPG, the state adopted a phased approach implementing the policies in instalments and always striking at the fault-lines of the resistance by co-opting certain sections while isolating the others.  Thus in universities, the prime targets of implementation of the policies of LPG were the non-teaching staff—to start with—and also new recruitments in the teaching positions. To weaken the resistance of the non-teaching community the lowest strata of this section—the maali and the safai karamchari—were the initial prime targets of privatisation in the form of contract labour. The new faculty that was being appointed were relatively more on contract basis than permanent appointments. Besides, there were renewed efforts to dismantle the existing university system of education. The aggressive manner in which the Delhi University authorities have tried to push through the Semester System in the graduation programmes brushing aside all protests of the faculty and students are further indicators in this direction. With different fee structures the universities have already managed to introduce a multi-tier fee structure in the campus, thus creating fissures in the possible resistance against the same.

 

Despite several attempts from the state to criminalize all forms of dissent it has hardly deterred the rising tide of the protests from broad sections of the people against LPG. The present onslaught of the state to criminalize the student community through punitive instruments like Lyngdoh Committee Recommendations (LCR) should also be seen in this big picture.

 

A series of bills are being pushed as part of the aggressive implementation of the policies of LPG in the higher education sector. The Foreign Educational Institutions (Regulation of Entry and Operation) Bill, 2010 allows the entry of foreign institutes with an empire of political and ideological baggage while the Prohibition of Unfair Practices in Technical and Medical Educational Institutions and Universities Bill, 2010 facilitates these foreign and domestic private educational institutions by keeping them outside the purview of Indian judicial scrutiny like the SEZs where workers have no rights to exercise their hard earned rights protected by the courts. The Universities for Innovation Bill 2010—an euphemism to loot the public exchequer to fill the private coffers—will let the use of public funding for private entrepreneurs to run universities with zero government regulation. Under this legislation a University like ours can well be handed over to a private entrepreneur while the government continue with the funding. The Educational Tribunals Bill 2010 denies rights of the students, teachers, and employees to seek justice from apex courts in educational matters. The National Accreditation Regulatory Authority for Higher Educational Institutions Bill 2010 mandates certain educational institutions to take accreditation compulsorily while exempting certain others at the whims and fancies of the central government. National Commission for Higher Education and Research (NCHER) Bill 2010 empower a new institution with the same name and replaces the UGC with total control over universities by completely eroding autonomy of the universities. When these six Bills become legislations the aim of the Indian ruling classes to let the market have a free hand in the field of education will be complete. All these new bills are symptomatic of the emerging situation in which we are, where the pangs of the Global Economic Crisis are having its fault lines in the subcontinent.

 

In this context, for any discerning student it becomes important to come together to strengthen the resistance against this twin danger of usurpation of the future of university education and that of the strategic role of students to organise themselves in the struggle for a democratic, pro-people and scientific education. It is by initiating a united struggle that we will be able to defend our hard-won democratic space, basic student’s rights and measures of social justice from reservations to scholarships and free/subsidised education. In this juncture when there is a concerted attempt to spread cynicism by projecting LPG as a fait-accompli and when the aggression of privatisation is being portrayed to us as inevitable, RDF calls upon the students, teachers and democratic sections of the society to brace for struggle, only which can repulse the reactionary forces and carry forward the fight for a new education system and a new democratic society towards final victory.

 

Resolution on US troops in South Asian countries including India

Resolution on US troops in South Asian countries including India

 

The growing military ties of the Indian state with the number one imperialist power in the world, US, has resulted in joint military exercises and ‘war games’ in recent years. One such training, codenamed ‘Exercise Malabar’, has been made a regular event to be held by the armies and navies of the US and India. This year, Exercise Malabar was conducted by Indian and American armed forces from April 9 to 16 in the Bay of Bengal as well as Andaman and Nicobar Islands. It is also in common knowledge that US Special Forces have trained Indian army in ‘counter-insurgency’ warfare and ‘counter-terrorism’ in the so-called Jungle Warfare Schools in Kanker, Chhattisgarh and Vairengte, Mizoram.

 

Of late a number of defence agreements have been signed by the governments of the two countries. More agreements are in the process of finalisation, including the Logistic Supply Agreement (LSA), Communications Interoperability and Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA), Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA). The so-called ‘India-Japan-US Strategic Dialogue’ has also been set up with a similar agenda. This shows the growing military alignment of the Indian state with the US and its strategic partner Israel, with multi-billion dollar defense deals with US and Israeli arms manufacturers. India’s defense budget has also been scaled up exponentially in order to satisfy the needs of the imperialist economy spearheaded by the US.

 

Since 2001, India’s defence spending has risen by more than 60 per cent to $36 billion in 2011 – 2012. Between the years 2007 and 2011, Indian state has signed $35.6 billion worth of defence contracts. The largest share of this spending has gone to the US, the latter now becoming the largest defence supplier to India. American companies have received $12 billion in contracts from India – a 34 per cent share of all defense spending since 2007. Private American companies closely connected to the imperialist ruling class of the US such as Rapischen, Taxtron, BOD, Lockheed Martin, Northcorp, Motorola, GE etc. has benefitted from these contracts. All this is being done in the name of ‘anti-terror cooperation’ and intelligence sharing.

 

While these agreements and deals have been made by the Indian state quite openly and with the pride of being chosen as the primary agent serving the US imperialist interests, certain other agreements have been made in utmost secrecy, aimed at bolstering the imperialist designs and geo-strategic stranglehold of the US in South Asia. Indian ruling classes are thereby performing the same role in South Asia which is played by Israel in West Asia in order to further US economic and geo-strategic interests.

 

The recent declaration in March 2012 by the US commander Admiral Robert Willard in charge of USPACOM (US Pacific Command) that ‘Pacific Assist Teams’ of the US Army’s Special Forces have been stationed in South Asian countries, namely Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, the Maldives and India, has exposed the extent to which servile Indian rulers have gone in order to facilitate imperialist aggression in the region. The commander revealed that the US is “working very closely with India with regard to their counter-terrorism capabilities… assisting them in terms of their internal counter-terror and counterinsurgency challenges.” Though the Indian Government has vehemently denied the presence of the US army in India by claiming the news to be “factually incorrect”, this exposure from a high-ranked US army official leaves no one in doubt that a new phase of imperialist aggression on the people of the region is well under preparation in connivance with the Indian ruling classes. It shows that US imperialism no longer wants to conduct its wars only through the armed forces of the comprador ruling classes, but is preparing to directly enter wars of imperialist aggression with its own military might. Moreover, it is widely known though hardly acknowledged by the Indian state that US military and intelligence specialists have for long been in Chhattisgarh to oversee and ‘advise’ the Indian armed forces engaged in Operation Green Hunt – its war on the people of central and eastern India as well as the revolutionary movement gaining strength in this region.

 

US is taking these steps in order to mitigate the growing crisis in the imperialist world economy, intensifying inter-imperialist rivalries and the upsurge of democratic, militant and revolutionary mass movements all across the world, and particularly in South Asia. In such a situation, the Indian ruling classes are vying to take the place of the most loyal lackey of US imperialism in the region by offering to play the role of the custodian of its ‘sphere of influence’. Under the garb of countering the perceived ‘threat from China’ and in pursuing its ambition to be recognised as a ‘super power’ by US imperialism, the reactionary Indian ruling classes are not only subjecting the people of the subcontinent to a more intense phase of imperialist exploitation and aggression, but also providing a reliable base for imperialist wars launched or planned on the people of countries like Afghanistan and Iran. It is only by strengthening and expanding the revolutionary movement and uniting with the anti imperialist forces world over that this military nexus between US imperialism, Israel and its lackeys in the Indian state can be confronted and defeated. RDF resolves to mobilise the people of the subcontinent against the growing imperialist stranglehold in connivance with the Indian ruling classes.

 

Resolution of fake encounters including the murder of Azad and Kishenji

Resolution of fake encounters including the murder of Azad and Kishenji

 

As part of the counter-revolutionary war being waged by the Indian state spanning across vast swathes of the country, the central paramilitary and West Bengal state police forces murdered a leader and politburo member of CPI (Maoist), Mallojula Koteshwar Rao alias Kishenji in a cold blooded fake encounter on the 25 of November in the Burishol forests of Jangalmahal, Bengal. The Joint forces as usual are floated the stories of ‘encounter’ and claiming that Kishenji was shot down in a ‘fierce gun battle’. However, be it the tell-tale torture marks on his body as identified by his family members and others, or the absence of any other casualty on both sides due to the supposed ‘two hour long gun battle’, creates sufficient grounds to believe that Kishenji was arrested, tortured in custody and subsequently murdered in cold blood by flouting all the provisions of laws which the Indian state’s ‘law-enforcement’ agencies claim to uphold.

 

The manner in which Kishenji was killed bears similarities in the way Maoist spokesperson Cherukuri Rajkumar, alias Azad was killed in 2010. Azad too was picked up from Nagpur railway station when he was carrying the letter of peace talks, taken to the forests of Andhra Pradesh and killed in cold blood along with Hem Chandra Pandey, a freelance journalist. The corporate media of course blindly parroted these lies and never cared to pay heed to the section of the civil society and activists who were challenging the state’s version and were most vociferously exposing another blatant incident of fake-encounter. The fascist Indian state was once again enacting its drama of holding ‘peace talks’ with the Maoists when they zeroed down on Kishenji to eliminate him. The selective targeting and elimination of the leadership of revolutionary movements is a lesson-well-learnt by the Indian ruling classes from its imperialist masters, especially from the US.

 

This house condemns in strictest terms such fascist strategy of targeted elimination of people’s leaders in fake encounters. It makes complete mockery of the NHRC appointed Ranganath Mishra Committee’s directive (1996) that all cases of encounters are ‘cognizable offence’ until the police version is verified by an independent investigating agency and hence the police personnel must be booked under the charge of homicide in these sorts of killing. The historic Andhra High Court ruling on encounter killings clearly said that ‘the state is responsible to register an FIR against the encounter killing and the plea of self defense be proven before the court of law by the involved security personnel’. But the saga of such fake encounters continues unabated against all such legalities, norms and provisions of the UN, other international conventions and statutes of civil liberty. The adoption of this ‘US-Israel counter insurgency strategy’ of targeting and extra-judicial elimination of the leadership of a people’s movement brazenly exposes the fascist nature of the Indian state that flouts and undermines the very law of the land and the constitution that it claims to uphold. The ‘Mossad-trained’ covert operations of the security forces and the brutal killings of the leaders of people’s movements in fake encounters like that of Lalmohan Tudu, Sudhakar Reddy, Appa Rao, Kondal Reddy and others all point towards the same direction.

 

A revolutionary is never buried, but sown. It is the unflinching commitment of Kishenji and Azad to work among the most oppressed and exploited, being one with them responding to the call of Naxalbari that he steeled himself as a revolutionary. They were both former members of the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students’ Union (APRSU), and worked among the people to propagate the revolutionary ideology of Naxalbari. Armed with invincible ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism they rallied round vast sections of the masses braving the worst kind of state brutality. It was the hope that they sowed among the masses who had nothing to lose but their chains that earned them the ire of the blood thirsty ruling classes.

 

Those who sow hope never die. They are reborn in their death in the memories and struggles of the people; in the class war in which the people have seized the moment and sown hope for the future. Friends, revolutionaries never die. They live in the dreams of those who have already lent their lives for a world free from all forms of exploitation and oppression. And this is what drives mad the ruling classes. Kishenji and Azad were not just individuals but represented the invincible ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in the concrete practice of building a new society.

 

To lay their hands on such peoples’ leaders, the Indian ruling classes have used the deception of ‘peace talks’. Both Azad and Kishenji were deceitfully captured and murdered at the instruction of Manmohan-Sonia-Chidambaram fascist gang at a time when the process of ‘peace talks’ was underway. Azad in particular was directly involved in preparing the grounds for the proposed talks when he was brutally killed by the Indian state. This clearly exposes the hypocrisy, double-standard and cunning of the ruling classes in using ‘peace talks’ as another weapon of war against the people and their revolutionary movement. This shows that the ruling classes have no intention of listening to the grievances of the people through talks and take measures to resolve them, but are hell bent on militarily crushing all voices that articulate the aspirations of the wretched of the earth.

 

This house condemns the killings of Azad, Kishenji, Shakumari Appa Rao, Kondal Reddy, Lalmohan Tudu, Sidhu Soren, Hem Chandra Pandey and all other people’s leaders who have been killed by the state in clod blooded fake encounters. This house also salutes these courageous people’s leaders who in their life and death have inspired valiant struggles of the people for their land, livelihood and dignity.

 

 

 

Resolution against communal-fascism

Resolution against communal-fascism

 

It has been exactly ten years since the genocide against Muslims was carried out by RSS-VHP-Bajrang Dal and other organisations of the Sangh giroh in Gujarat starting from 28 February 2002 with the active involvement of the state machinery. Organised by the chief minister Narendra Modi and his RSS cohorts, it saw the killing of 3000 Muslims in a meticulously planned manner with full support from the state machinery, including the police and government administration reminiscent of the horrors of Nazi extermination of the Jews. Even after ten years of ordeal the affected people of Gujarat genocide have of course been denied justice. While 11 Muslims have been handed down death sentence falsely implicating them for burning the Sabarmati Express in Godhra, none of the Hindu fascists involved in the Gujarat pogrom has been given such a sentence.

 

The religious minorities of India cannot expect justice from the present exploitative system for the crimes they have suffered. One cannot expect the same socio-political system which has continued to carry out the genocides of religious minorities, oversaw the demolition of Babri Masjid and the countrywide massacre of Muslims following it, waged a domestic version of US’s ‘war on terror’, failed to punish the perpetrators of communal-fascist genocides and mass-murders, to deliver justice to the religious minorities and guarantee a life of equality, dignity and political freedom. All religious minorities – be it the Muslims, Christians or Sikhs – have borne the brunt of Hindu communal-fascist genocides and persecution , no matter which party of the ruling classes are in power. The genocides against religious minorities whether in Gujarat, Kandhamal or Bharatpur, illustrate the Hindu communal nature of the Indian state and the ruling classes. For all shades of parliamentary parties Muslims are either vote bank or ‘terrorists’.

 

The Congress – the political party of the feudal forces and the comprador bourgeoisie – has also shown its Hindu communal-fascist character. The Sikhs who were targeted and massacred by the Congress in 1984 are still awaiting justice even after 28 years, while the culprits are roaming free enjoying state patronage. It was the Congress government at the centre which opened the gates of the Babri Masjid in late 1980s for the Hindutva brigade which ultimately stormed the mosque in 1992 presided over by another Congress government at the centre.

 

The Hindu communal politics of CPI (M) is well exposed by the terming of madrassas by Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, while being the CM of Bengal, as the dens of terrorists. Its hostility and apathy towards religious minorities was in evidence in Nandigram where Muslim peasants were at the forefront of the anti-SEZ struggle. The marginalisation and discrimination faced by the Muslim community in Bengal during more than three decades of CPI(M) rule has been come to the fore in the Sachar Committee Report. In Kerala the same social-fascist party has persecuted Muslim activists as ‘fundamentalists’, particularly those sections of Muslims which are associated with militant Muslim organisations.  The hollowness of the so called ‘secular’ pretentions of the parliamentary Left is further illustrated in their opportunist electoral alliance with communal parties like the BJD, AIADMK, TDP and so on. The experience in the last 65 years of ‘Indian democracy’ has shown that this Hindu-majoritarian, fascist state and its auxiliaries of legislature, executive, judiciary, parliamentary parties, police and army, etc. will only protect the interest of the feudal-comprador and Hindu-brahminical ruling classes of the country, not the oppressed masses belonging to the religious minorities.

 

Even government-sponsored reports such as the Sachar Committee Report and the Rangnath Mishra Committee Report has brought to light the deplorable economic and social status of the Muslims – the largest religious minority community in India – which is said to be even worse than the Dalits in some aspects. After the launch of the US-led worldwide ‘war on terror’ on Muslims to save the crisis-ridden imperialist economy, the Indian ruling classes too have been aggressively persecuting the Muslims of India. The Sangh-giroh have executed many bomb-blasts and other terrorist acts targeting the Muslims in the last few years, while thousands of Muslim youth have been falsely implicated by the Indian state in charges under draconian ‘anti-terror’ laws like TADA, POTA, UAPA, NSA and imprisoned for years in jails. Muslim youth organisations like SIMI have been banned without any basis – in order to terrorise and force the Muslims into submission and silence. Fake encounters of the likes of Batla House and torture are regularly deployed by the state to break any resistance by them against the continued injustice and oppression.

 

Fascism and imperialism are historical allies. They feed into each other. And therefore today when imperialism is in a crisis owing to the unprecedented world economic crisis, the subservient ruling classes in India are whipping up of communal sentiments to cover up the lack of development in every aspect of social lives and misdirect the real grievances of the people regarding their deplorable material conditions. Just like the Nazis did with the Jews, Hindutva brigade picks up the Muslim and off late the Christian community, as the scape-goat for all the problems, real or imaginary.

 

The Sangh-giroh represents the landlords, the casteist semi-feudal authorities and the comprador big bourgeoisie, whose interest today are directly tied to US imperialism and global finance capital. Therefore the fight against Hindu communal-fascism has to be necessarily the fight against imperialism, and vice versa. The fight against communal-fascism therefore has to be a fight against the economic and social policies that dispossess people of their land and livelihood, subsidize the rich with the tax-payer’s money, which compels mass suicide of peasants, ruins small traders by redesigning the retail sector according to MNC diktats. It is underdevelopment and regressive production relations that feed into religious fundamentalism, and particularly Hindu communal-fascism. The fight against communal-fascism is not just ideological, but is a struggle against the whole social structure, on which the Indian state is based.

 

The need therefore is to build and strengthen the struggle for a revolutionary social transformation by smashing the Hindu fundamentalist forces and destroying the existing regressive system. The ongoing revolutionary armed people’s movement with the participation of dalits, adivasis, women, peasants and workers across the country is today the only fitting challenge to the imperialist forces and its Hindutva communal-fascist allies in India. Our inspiration to fight comes from these unabated fighters and their uncompromising, courageous struggles against the morbid forces of imperialism, feudalism and the comprador bourgeoisie. This house resolves to reaffirm its solidarity with this revolutionary struggle that alone can smash the forces of communal-fascism and combat imperialism along with overhauling the current oppressive, unjust and exploitative structure.

 

 

 

 

 

Resolution on caste atrocities on Dalits and the struggle for annihilation of caste

Resolution on caste atrocities on Dalits and the struggle for annihilation of caste

 

This year in Lathor and Dhenkanal, in Orissa around hundred houses belonging to Dalit families were gutted to the ashes with all their belongings by the communal fascist RSS. The state machinery remained deliberately compliant in the attacks, they protected the perpetrators, refused to compensate the targets and even refused to lodge proper cases. Even now the targeted families in Odisha have not been rehabilitated. Hand in glove with the members of the caste-Hindu rural elite, the police remained complicit in the entire chain of events.  As is the case in every occasion in which Dalits have been targeted, raped and killed all over the country, in this case too, the police played the role of passive observer, letting the caste-Hindus to go on a rampage, and thereby becoming complicit in the carnage.

 

These incidents of caste violence are glaring instances of the feudal backlash on assertive Dalits, the collusion of the state with the dominant feudal forces and the venomous role of RSS. With growing assertions of Dalits in this country, it is the feudal-comprador ruling classes who are most threatened. Lathor is one more chapter now added to the violent history of atrocities against Dalits in this country after Paramakudi, Hissar, Khairlanji, Baithani Tola, and thousands of other instances where the feudal, caste-Hindu ganged up with direct support of the state to perpetrate brutalities and oppression on the Dalits. All these incidents are reactions geared to terrorize, intimidate the oppressed who are now militantly opposing and resisting this historic oppression at the hands of the Hindu dominant-castes. The Bhhotmange family in Khairlanji was raped, mutilated and then killed in broad day light precisely because, they dared to protest against the caste-Hindus and refused to yield to the pressure to give away lands. Such assertions by the Dalits, who are mostly landless agricultural labourers and poor peasants, are making extra-economic coercion and extraction of surplus on the basis of caste-based hierarchies difficult. The landed gentry is using the brahmanical ideology and extra-economic coercion to crush these assertions by Dalit agricultural labourers and poor peasants. In urban centres, Dalits too suffer caste-based violence and discrimination, and are continuously prevented from accessing opportunities of knowledge, education and employment due to the predominance of casteism, particularly in its brahmanical form.

 

This house condemns the atrocity committed against Dalits in Lathor, Dhenkanal and all other places by the Hindu majoritarian Indian state and the brahmanical-casteist reactionary forces in the strictest possible terms. We must uphold and stand in solidarity with the struggles of the Dalits, minorities, adivasis and the oppressed classes in this country to uproot this deeply exploitative system.

 

Resolution against Anna Hazare’s Anti-corruption façade

Resolution against Anna Hazare’s Anti-corruption façade

 

Termed as the “second freedom struggle of India”, the tug-of-war between the Indian government and the so-called civil society on the Sarkari versus Jan Lokpal had been covered to its minutest details by the corporate media, hailing Anna Hazare’s ‘movement’ as a ‘crusade against corruption’. This well scripted drama, backed and funded by the multinational corporations and the corporate media was in line with the World Bank agenda that seeks to “strengthen partnerships with civil society organizations and the media at the country and global levels as a powerful force for holding governments accountable.”

 

The entire farce included members of ‘civil society’, RSS pracharaks, sants and saints, ‘Left’ intellectuals and socialites, ‘Marxists’, ‘Marxist-Leninists’, socialists, Lohiaites, Gandhians, NGOs, Bollywood stars and politicians of various hues. In the midst of this great euphoria created by the corporate media, what has been conveniently veiled is the fact that this ‘movement’ was meticulously planned and led by the right-wing forces masquerading as ‘civil society’. It is not for nothing that Narendra Modi, the mass-murderer and the emerging leader of the communal-fascists, who has the blood of thousands of Muslims on his hand, has high-praise for Anna Hazare’s ‘movement’. This was a  ‘movement’ whose key figures Arvind Kejriwal and Kiran Bedi set the agenda backstage with the likes of RSS’s Govindacharya and Gurumurthy, and whose most public face, Anna Hazare himself, praises Modi. Its rhetoric of ‘people’s power’ notwithstanding, ‘Team Anna’ aimed to reinstate the ‘supremacy’ of the Indian state – an apparatus of brutal and dictatorial class rule which stands unmasked in front of the exploited classes of the country.

 

With the intensification of class struggle in the context of the severe economic crisis faced by global capitalism, the contradiction of the Indian ruling classes has taken on an ominous proportion. With the increasing onslaught of the India state on the people in the form of forcible acquisition of their resources, the rising cost of essential commodities and the violence against the struggling people, the legitimacy of Indian ruling classes is currently at its lowest. These circumstances made it possible for a downright reactionary like Anna Hazare. Anna emerged as the saviour of the crisis-ridden ruling classes. His movement against corruption has been termed as a panacea to all that India is suffering from. But those who have been falling head over heels to support Anna Hazare seem to ignore the fact that the ‘crusade against corruption’ amounts to nothing more than getting a bill passed in the Parliament. The proposed Jan Lokpal bill is the latest among a number of such supposedly ‘pro-people’ legislations initiated by the ‘civil society’ in the past – Employment Guarantee bill, Right to Information bill, Forest Rights bill, etc that are used as instruments for perpetuating the present exploitative system.

 

The entire argument forwarded by the Anna led civil society, about corruption, and its solution is faulty. Scams and corruption have always been endemic to the system in India. However, with the ruling classes of India embracing the neo-liberal policies of imperialist globalization, the number and magnitude of scams has increased by leaps and bounds. The implementation of neo-liberal policies has heightened exploitation of majority of the people and resulted in massive corporate loot of resources, huge subsidizing of corporate houses with public money in the name of tax holidays and other benefits, selling off of the country’s mineral wealth and land at ridiculously laughable rates. While these policies have led to a concentration of huge amounts of wealth in the hands of a miniscule minority, the majority of the country’s people live under Rs.20 a day. With the backlash against the people and their means to even basic subsistence intensifying, so has their resistance.

 

To bridle this systemic corruption one needs to change the basic policies that the government is pursuing under the direction of its imperialist masters. And since that does not feature even remotely in the discourse on corruption pursued by the middle class, it only shows its futility and hollowness. With the help of a pliable media, Anna tried to harness the insecurities faced by the middle-classes as a result of the imperialist economy’s worldwide crisis. Beyond the glitz of Jantar Mantar and Ramlila Ground, however, the life-and-death issues of the working people battling against the acute agrarian crisis and a regime of corporate plunder are growing unnoticed. And a large section of them are challenging the very institutions of exploitation – the Indian Parliamentary system and the Indian state – which Anna Hazare’s ‘bloodless revolution’ so desperately wants everyone to repose faith in. This ‘movement’ thereby emerges as a counter-revolutionary mobilisation dictated by imperialism, India’s comprador bourgeoisie and the feudal forces.

 

It is not surprising that Anna Hazare, his casteist-communal-reactionary worldview and his anti-corruption ‘crusades’ have been rejected by the vast majority of the oppressed people – be it the workers, peasants, religious minorities, adivasis, Dalits and oppressed castes, the progressive and democratic sections of the intelligentsia, students and youth. At a time when the Anna drama tries to capture people’s attention, the army is marching to Chhattisgarh and Odisha to fortify the enormous loot of resources and livelihood of people and to crush the revolutionary movement which is spreading like wildfire in India. This house therefore resolves to constantly expose and defeat the fascist agenda of the counter-revolutionary Anna mobilization and its quagmire of ‘manufactured dissent’. While we recognize the problem of corruption that faces us, we must not just address the symptoms. Corruption at the ground level can only be challenged by the collective assertion of the masses. The prevailing system of legalised corruption cannot be crushed without smashing the corrupt system itself. This house resolves to continue to extend its solidarity to all those genuine people’s movements being fought for the revolutionary transformation of society by overhauling the current oppressive, exploitative and corrupt structure.

 

RDF: First Conference Programme, 22-23 April 2012

The First Conference

REVOLUTIONARY DEMOCRATIC FRONT (RDF)

 

22-23 April, 2012, Sundarayya Vignana Bhawan, Baghlingampalli Park, Hyderabad, Telangana

 

Turn the Prevailing Economic Crisis into Revolutionary Upsurge!

 

Programme

 

Day One: 22 April 2012 (Sunday)

 

10.00 am | Inaugural Session

 

RDF Flag hoisting

Inauguration: Goru Madhav Rao, founding president of All India People’s Resistance Forum (AIPRF) and veteran fighter of Srikakulam Armed people’s uprising.

Keynote Address: Pankaj Dutt, People’s intellectual

Welcome Address: M T Khan, Chairperson, Reception Committee of the Conference

RDF Position Paper on the theme of the conference: G N Saibaba, Deputy Secretary, RDF

 

Release of books and Documentaries:

  1. a.      Samkaleen Janpratirodh, RDF Organ in Hindi
  2. b.      The Flames of Narayanpatna, Charvaka Publications
  3. c.       Hurricane, Novel, translated to Hindi, Charvaka Publications
  4. d.      Prasenbabu Maovadi Nahin Hein, Stories in Hindi, Charvaka Publications
  5. e.      Jan Myrdal’s DVD (India Waits with focus on AP revolutionary culture)
  6. f.       Red Star over India, Telugu edition
  7. g.      Jagityal to Junglemahal (2 Vols in Telugu) In memory of Kishenji and other martyrs
  8. h.      Long March, Memoirs on Kishenji by Telangana journalists
  9. i.        Viplava Shikharam,  Documentary on Kishenji
  10. j.        Democratic Telangana (Documentary by Lengu- Chetana Natya Manch)
  11. k.      A Glorious Saga of Students’ Struggle, published by Virasam
  12. l.        Adivasulu – Antaryuddham: Praja Pratyamnyam, edited by Pani and published by Virasam

Along with some other books and CDs

 

 

Representatives from All Parties Hurriyat Conference, Jammu and Kashmir

Professor Jagmohan, Civil and Democratic Rights Activist

P A Sebastian, Committee for the Protection of Democratic Rights (CPDR)

Professor Anand Teltumbde, IIT Kargpur

Dr. B D Sharma, Former National Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Tribes

G Kalyana Rao, Revolutionary Writers’ Association

Lenin Kumar, Editor, Nisan

Dr. SAR Geelani, Working President, Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners (CRPP)

Professor Ghanta Chakrapani, Dr. B R Ambedkar Open University

Thiagu, Tamil Nadu

Professor Amit Bhattacharyya, Secretary General, Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners (CRPP)

Chalasani Prasad, Revolutionary Writers’ Association

Professor Saraswathi, Tamil Nadu

Ganti Prasadam, Amarula Bandhumitrula Committee

Professor G Haragopal, retired Professor from University of Hyderabad

Dr. B D Sharma, Former National Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Tribes

Allam Narayana, editor, Namasthe Telangana

Bojja Tarakam, President, Andhra Pradesh chapter, Committee for the Release of

Political Prisoners

Kanchan Kumar, All India League for Revolutionary Culture (AILRC)

Varavara Rao, Revolutionary Writers’ Association

Professor Shoma Sen, Committee Against Violence on Women (CAVOW)

Professor Seshaiah, Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee (APCLC)

Rajkishore, General Secretary, RDF

 

 

Messages from fraternal organisations

A Bhumaiah, Telangana Praja Front, M N Ravunni (Porattam), Nagas, Varalaxmi (Virasam), Revolutionary Cultural Front Delhi, Cultural Activists from Punjab and others.

 

Cultural Performances

There will be cultural performances interspersed with the proceedings in the two days of the conference by Jharkhand Aven, Revolutionary Cultural Front, Delhi, Rambali Yadav and his team from Bihar and Cultual activists from Punjab.

 

Viplava Shikharam, Documentary on Kishenji, Democratic Telangana, Documentary by Lengu- Chetana Natya Manch and a documentary film on bastar by Vanessa Dougnac, a French Journalist will shown.

 

A photo exhibition on People’s meeting at Cherla

 

2 pm | Lunch

 

 

3 pm | Organizational Session

 

Secretary’s Report: Rajkishore, General Secretary, RDF

Discussion on Secretary’s Report

Discussion on Manifesto and Constitution of RDF

Amendments to be approved and finalised in the Manifesto and Constitution

Election of All India Executive Committee and Office-bearers

Resolutions

 

 

Day Two: 23 April 2012 (Monday)

 

10 am| Session on Economic Crisis and imperialist War on People and Revolution

 

On Operation Green Hunt: Varavara Rao

Prof. Anand Teltumbde, IIT Kargpur

Prof. Shoma Sen, Committee Against Violence on Women (CAVOW)

Prof. Seshaiah, Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee (APCLC)

Dr. SAR Geelani, Working President, Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners (CRPP)

Prof. Amit Bhattacharyya, Secretary General, Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners (CRPP)

 

2 pm| Lunch

 

3 pm | Procession from Baghlingampally Park to Dharna Chowk

 

4 pm | Public Meeting at Dharna Chowk

 

Stop War on People in South Asia!

Stop Operation Green Hunt!

Withdraw the armed Forces from Bastar!

 

Speakers:

B D Sharma, Anand Teltumbde, PA Sebastian, Allam Narayana, Amit Bhattacharyya, Shoma Sen,  S Seshaiah, Jagmohan, A Bhumaiah, Chalasani Prasad, Lenin Kumar, Chilaka Chandrasekhar, SAR Geelani, G Kayalna Rao,  Ghanta Chakrapani, G Haragopal, Ganti Prasadam,  Bojja Tarakam, Varalaxmi, Kanchan Kumar, Varavara Rao, Rajkishore.

 

REVOLUTIONARY DEMOCRATIC FRONT (RDF)

RDF: The First All Indian Conference, 22-23 April 2012

 

Revolutionary Democratic Front (RDF)

THE FIRST ALL INDIAN CONFERENCE

22-23 April 2012, Sundarayya Vignana Bhavan Hyderabad, Telangana

 

PRESS RELEASE

 

22 April 2012

 

The historic first conference of the Revolutionary Democratic Front (RDF) – a federation of revolutionary mass organisations working among different classes and sections of the society at the grass-roots level – went underway today on 22 April 2012 in the Sundarayya Vignana Bhavan in Hyderabad with the hoisting of the RDF flag by Goru Madhav Rao, the veteran fighter of the Srikakulam Armed peoples’ uprising and the founding president of All India Peoples’ Resistance Forum (AIPRF). The red flag was hoisted with slogans hailing the ongoing revolutionary movement and condemning the Indian state’s repressive class violence in the form of Operation Green Hunt and now Operation Haka and Operation Vijay. The martyr’s column was unveiled by Mallamma, the mother of the martyred revolutionary leader G. Shankar, also known as Sheshanna and Shamsher, state committee member of the North Telangana Special Zonal Committee (NTSZC) of the CPI(Maoist). Resistance songs were performed by members of Jharkhand Abhen, Praja Kala Mandali and Revolutionary Cultural Front.

In the inaugural session, B. S. Raju, the Secretary of the Reception Committee of the Conference welcomed the delegates and participants, and declared that the RDF stands resolutely in favour of a democratic and separate Telangana state. M T Khan, chairperson of the Reception Committee, condemned the Chhattisgarh government for preventing the 34-member team of delegates from that state coming to attend the conference.

Professor Jagmohan, noted democratic rights activist and the nephew of shaheed Bhagat Singh, inaugurated the 40th issue of Samkaleen Jan Pratirodh, the magazine of RDF, dedicating it to the people of India and the Indian revolutionary struggle. Pankaj Dutt, the renowned people’s intellectual and academic presented the Keynote address on economic crisis and possibility of revolutionary upsurge in the country. He analysed the confluence of imperialism and feudalism in a semi-feudal and semi-colonial reality like India, which then generates what is usually understood as ‘growth’ and  ‘development’ which is so disastrous for the vast masses of the country. He noted that it is the poor and landless peasantry – so far denied the power to exercise their labour creatively – who holds the key to the change of property relations and thereby turn the present world economic crisis into a revolutionary upsurge for a complete social transformation.

Arun Ferraira, the civil rights activist who has recently been released after years of incarceration in Nagpur jail for allegedly being a Maoist, unveiled the collected writings of Comrade Anuradha Ghandy titled Scripting the Change. In his short speech Arun noted that in her life as revolutionary, Anuradha has significantly contributed to our understanding of the Dalit question and the womens’ question in the context of semi-feudal semi-colonial India. He dedicated this book to all the martyrs who have given their lives to the cause of the Indian revolution.

One of the main speakers of the conference, Syed Ali Shah Geelani, the Chairperson of the All Parties Hurriyat Conference, Jammu and Kashmir, was welcomed by GN Saibaba, the Deputy Secretary of RDF. Saibaba stated that Kashmir has a continuous liberation struggle of 40 years, and RDF not only supports it but is also a part of it. RDF plays the role of bringing together and uniting all the fighting movements of the subcontinent, including the revolutionary struggle, national liberation movements of Kashmir, Nagalim, Assam, Manipur etc., separate statehood demands of Telangana, Gorkhaland and others, and mass struggles of Dalits, Adivasis, workers, peasants and women.

Syed Ali Shah Geelani in his speech, addressed the audience as his own brothers and sisters, and said that he respects the dedication and commitment of the revolutionaries carrying forward the Indian revolutionary movement. He complimented RDF for raising the voice against the Indian state, against oppression, exploitation and injustice. Geelani said that he belong to place which is being oppressed by the Indian state through sheer military might. He declared that the Kashmiris are not fighting against the people of India, and in fact they have good wishes for the Indian people. He stated that once India was freed from British colonialism, the rulers of India should not have treated other oppressed peoples and nationalities as slaves. However, with firepower and army alone Indfia cannot oppress the Kashmiris for eternity. Kashmir’s struggle for self determination and secession has been fought through countless sacrifices, and this suffering of the Kashmiri people will never go in vain. Azadi of Kashmir is a inevitability. Geelani reminded the Indian rulers of the broken promise of plebiscite that Nehru pledged in January 1948. He demanded that India respect the UN Resolution of 21st April 1948 to consider Kashmir as a disputed territory and the people should be given the right to self determination. The highly respected Kashmiri leader said that the people of his nation have been fighting for inquilab (revolution) – a inquilab with the fundamentals of justice, moral values and freedom. He said, “We will not accept anything less than Azadi (freedom) from India”. SAS Geelani concluded by saying that “If you further our cause of freedom and spread the call of our freedom and stand by us, we the people of Kashmir will be ever grateful to you and will stand together with the struggling people of India”.

A Bhumaiah of the Telangana Praja Front (TPF) said in his speech that Hyderabad, where this conference is taking place, is a part of Telangana. RDF has already recognised Hyderabad as a part of Telangana. For recognition from the Indian government the Telangana struggle will have to be intensified.  He thanked RDF for taking the cause of separate Telangana to various parts of the country and mobilising public opinion in its favour in the subcontinent.

Varavara Rao, revolutionary poet and Virasam member, told the audience that on Lenin’s birthday we are having the historic RDF conference. Lenin spoke about the worldwide crisis of imperialism in the early twentieth century which directly helped in the Russian Revolution in 1917. The imperialist crisis of 1940s led to the Second World War and the Chinese Revolution in 1949. The present period is also characterised by the acute crisis of the worldwide capitalist system, and this crisis once again provides us with the possibility of another revolution, this time in India. Joining RDF or working for RDF’s programme means joining hands in this struggle. 1970’s was a period of division in the revolutionary movement in India, while from 80’s efforts have been made for consolidation and 1990s onwards was a period of unity. In 2003-04, when the merger of CPI(ML) PW and MCC resulted in the formation of the unified Maoist party, it gave a new energy and thrust to the Naxalite movement. He stated that huge mass movements need to be created and political work among the people has to be intensified for transformative politics to take advantage of the crisis in imperialism and its agents, the Indian ruling classes. He appealed to everyone to strengthen this struggle.

Shoma Sen of Committee against Violence on Women (CAVOW) said that we have to understand the essence of the Maoist slogan ‘women hold up half the sky’. When companies are closed, it is the women who suffer the most. In times like today with inflation and price rise, the task of managing household and the families is taken up by women. They are the last ones in the family to eat. The problem of alcoholism also affects women. There is an agrarian problem in India – peasants are committing suicide. But what happens to the wives of those farmers who commit suicide, she asked. They are forced into desperate acts like prostitution. To solve the problems women in our country, as well as in other countries, the struggle for New Democratic Revolution is the only way forward. To come out of the house and to participate in these struggles is confronting the problem itself – is the only path. In places like Gadhchiroli women have been educated by the revolutionary comrades about issues like water purification, agrarian and health issues, and the question of political power. Revolution cannot happen without women and women too want revolution. This is the main point on which we work for.

Professor Anand Teltumbde, noted civil rights activist, emphasised the need for the Dalit and revolutionary movement to come together to annihilate caste and to complete the democratic revolution in the country. He was critical of both the parliamentary ‘Left’ like CPI and CPI(M) as well as identity-based parliamentary Dalit political formations, and said that there is a need to carry forward the class struggle with the participation of Dalits and other oppressed masses. He said that Dr. Ambedkar too believed in class-based politics, and therefore the need of the hour therefore is to reinvent Dalit militancy as well as revolutionary resurgence under Maoist leadership.

G Kalyana Rao, the noted revolutionary Telugu author, released a compact disk of Jana Natya Mandali songs on the martyrs of the Maoist party. Kalyana Rao stated that revolutionary culture is the expression of the oppressed, and this culture articulates the blood and sweat of the wretched of the earth, presented in the form of songs, dance, plays and other popular forms, and thereby carry forward the message of class struggle.

Many speakers such as Lenin Kumar, editor of Odiya cultural magazine Nishan, Jharkhand’s Sharmila of Nari Mukti Sangh, and others addressed the delegates of the conference on its first day. Sharmila noted the role of revolutionary culture as an integral and organic part of the lives of the Adivasis, which has traditionally upheld the principles of collective life and production.  It is this voice of revolutionary culture and resistance that the fascist Indian states are trying to crush, by perpetrating violence and class hatred.

Fraternal organisations and peoples’ movements sent their solidarity messages to the RDF Conference. Atom of National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN) of Nagalim sent the good wishes and political solidarity from the national liberation struggle of the Naga people.

Along with speeches and messages, cultural troops from Jharkhand, Delhi, Telangana and Punjab performed revolutionary songs and dance.

The first RDF conference strongly and unequivocally condemned the fascist Chhattisgarh government for preventing the 34-member team of delegates from that state coming to attend the conference, and demanded their immediate release. In addition, RDF also condemns the Andhra Pradesh government for cancelling the permission to the RDF mass rally scheduled for 23 April 2012.

 

In Solidarity,

 

Raj Kishore

General Secretary, RDF

 

G N Saibaba

Deputy Secretary, RDF

 

 

Interview with G. N. Saibaba in Varberg,

The 14th of April 2012 “Jan Myrdals great award, the Lenin award” was handed out in a theatre in Varberg, Sweden. Individuals from different countries and mostly from different parts of  Sweden came for the celebration. Many of participants stayed at Hotell Gästis in central Varberg which have a lot of interesting arts, a library with revolutionary literature and a beautiful pool, called the “Lenin bath”. At the hotel we were very happy to be able to interview the joint secretary of Revolutionary Democratic Front of India, G. N. Saibaba.

Indiensolidaritet, Sweden, 28/8 -2012

 

Interview with G. N. Saibaba in Varberg,

Sweden, 14-15th April 2012

(The transcript of the interview is checked by Saibaba)

 

Indiensolidaritet: Can you say something about the political work you do in India?

Saibaba: I work for an organization called Revolutionary Democratic Front (RDF). It is a federation of revolutionary mass organizations working among different oppressed classes and sections of the Indian society. Revolutionary students’ and youth organisations, revolutionary peasants’ organisations, revolutionary workers’ organisations, revolutionary cultural organisations as well revolutionary women’s organisations from different regions across India are constituents of RDF. Thus RDF is a large network of revolutionary organisations reaching out to all sections and strata of the society.

From the year 2009 onwards began the Operation Green Hunt, the Indian state’s genocidal war on the poorest of the poor in India. All of us in our organization RDF work with other parties, groups, democratic organisations and individuals to raise our voice collectively and unitedly against the present military onslaught on the people and the extermination campaign against the people of India. We see this massive military operation as a continuation and the latest addition in the war waged by India’s ruling classes against the people of the subcontinent for last many decades – be it in Kashmir, North East, Punjab, and now in central and eastern India. So we are at one level involved in the basic struggles of the people and at another we are working along with a large network of political forces and carrying out a countrywide campaign against Indian state’s anti-people policies, particularly Operation Green Hunt.

Indiensolidaritet: The way we see it, there are two lines regarding solidarity work in Europe. One line is trying to unite people on an anti-imperialist and anti-feudal basis and another one focuses more on Maoism. What do you think about this?

Saibaba: Yes, there is this perception and understanding of how to develop the solidarity movement for the peoples’ struggles and the particularly on the military attack on the people that is going on in India. So what I can see is that there are large sections who think that, the large sections of the people of India and the larger confrontation is more important to focus on, to tell the world outside India. There is another section of organizations which hold that the present campaign by the Indian state is targeting the revolutionaries in India and therefore the revolutionaries should be supported directly. What is important today is that the people of India – the poorest of the poor 80 percent of the country who live an extremely perilous existence – are looking forward to a basic change in their lives. The poorest section of humanity in the world therefore is waging a defiant struggle in India under the leadership of the revolutionary Maoists who are from among their own. So if you take the larger picture of what is happening in India, you can see that this is a great resistance against the loot of the land and minerals by the corporate sector. Monopoly capital in its desperation to dominate the world’s resources would like to overcome its crisis by exploiting the cheap raw materials in India and other oppressed countries. It’s an attempt by the imperialists, by the monopoly capital on the world scale, to transport their burden of the economic crisis upon the shoulders of the poorest of the poor in India.

Removing the people from their homes and hearths has become pertinent for the corporations backed by the government to capture the valuable mineral resources which are estimated to a value of several trillions of dollars. So the resistance movement is built up by the indigenous people, the poorest of the poor, the millions and millions of the wretched of the earth. To crush this movement and to silence all the people the Indian government has sent more than 250,000 armed personnel to these regions backed by its air force and navy. You therefore can see the importance of the struggle. Of course the revolutionary forces are involved – they work in these areas and organise the people, but the question is much larger. It is an anti-imperialist struggle of the people, led by the revolutionary Maoists. This is a larger question because this resistance exists not only in the central and eastern parts of India where the Maoist movement has a strong presence, but extends to every part of India even where the Maoists are absent. So in our view, we have to take into account this anti-imperialist struggle as a whole. We have to recognize that this is a larger struggle of the people of India who are not led by the revolutionaries everywhere simply because they do not exist in other parts. So the international solidarity should be to the entire movement. The other section of the people who feels that the revolutionary movement is a target too is not wrong in their perception. Yes, the revolutionary movement is a target of attack. In fact the Indian prime minister has termed it “the largest internal security threat” way back in 2005 reflecting the intent of the ruling classes to finish off the revolutionary movement. But what is important to recognise is that the anti-feudal and anti-imperialist struggle spanning over entire India and the revolutionary movement in India which exists in a considerable part of the country are interrelated. We cannot separate this two. The larger anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle is very important and we must not lose sight of it. We must stand in solidarity with the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle of the common people of India. The Indian ruling classes and the imperialists have planned many genocides and massacres but the people have successfully resisted them so far through coordination and collective struggle, not allowing any of these corporate houses to intrude and take over their lands and resources.

So we in India feel that to give support to the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggles of the people is also to give support to the revolutionary movement in India. Therefore we need not and should not separate these two and give support only to the revolutionaries as if the revolutionaries exist outside and separately from this struggle. The revolutionary struggle in India is a part of the larger anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle going on in the subcontinent.

Indiensolidaritet: How can we support the people’s struggles against exploitation in general and against Operation Green Hunt in particular?

Saibaba: First of all I will have to give you a larger picture of the present situation back home in India and for this, a longer explanation is needed. Operation Green Hunt is a highly orchestrated and well planned military campaign against the people of India. This operation is modelled by the Indian state and the imperialist forces led by the US along the line of what was called the Red Hunt in the 18th century North America. Through the Red Hunt campaign, the land of indigenous tribal people in that continent was usurped and violently taken over by the European explorers and invaders. They also planned and executed the systematic elimination of the tribes of Red Indians who chose to resist this genocide. The history of the US tells us that this process of extermination of an entire population of indigenous people in North America was termed as Red Hunt. The invading Europeans believed that a good Red Indian is a dead Red Indian. The Red Indians had to be annihilated to establish the country which came to be called the US. There was no place for the tribal people in this New World created by the colonial explorers from Europe. Thus the country called US was constructed on the dead bodies of the Red Indians. Very much the same concept of annihilation and extermination of an entire population operates in this military campaign called Operation Green Hunt. The ruling classes of India call it Green Hunt for two reasons. Firstly, the military experts, strategists and authors who are on the payroll of the Indian state tell us that the hunt – or in more political terms the Indian state’s war on people – is taking place in the greenest regions of the Indian subcontinent. Central India and Eastern India have high hills and expansive forests, and is one of the greenest areas of the subcontinent. From the perspective of environmental concerns, we can call this the lungs of the earth. The ecosystem of this region consisting of mountains, forests, rivers, minerals, vulnerable ecology – they sustain life on earth and in this sense are the protectors of all of us. This is one of the very few regions of the world which have still remained untouched by imperialism/capitalism and therefore are very important for our survival as well as for the earth to survive. So it is in this green region that the Operation Green Hunt is being conducted. If successful, you can well imagine that this operation will turn greenery into barrenness. By forcibly evicting or exterminating the tribal people and thereafter facilitating the entry of multinational, private and government corporations, this war will destroy our very lungs and threaten our existence itself. So you can very well imagine the self-destructive nature of this Green Hunt.

Secondly, at another level the security analysts claim that Operation Green Hunt is termed so because the revolutionary fighters wear olive green uniform and are the targets of this hunt. But this mode of thinking too reflects the same 18th century ideology behind the Red Hunt in the US. It is interesting to note that in September-October 2009, one of the ministers in the Indian government who is leading this Operation Green Hunt went to Afghanistan and the US and soon after his return announced this Operation Green Hunt. He did not explicitly term it Operation Green Hunt. He said it is a paramilitary operation. Later the same minister denied that there is anything called Operation Green Hunt. But lower level officers in each of the regions where this operation is being conducted exposed his lie by frequently referring to Operation Green Hunt. Government of India still denies it by saying that there is no Operation Green Hunt. The reason for that denial is not difficult to see. In 2009 when the Indian interior minister announced this operation there was a massive protest from the intellectuals and the democratic forces from all over India. They immediately withdrew the nomenclature, though the operation has continued with ever greater intensity in different parts of India from then till now. Nevertheless, the resemblance of India’s Operation Green Hunt and US’s Red Hunt goes deeper than just the name – in intent, purpose and intensity they are very much similar. “Mr Chidambaram’s war” (the interior minister) an essay by Arundhati Roy describes how Operation Green Hunt has three objectives: 1. Occupy 2. Dominate 3. Hold. If you go to the website of the India’s interior ministry you can see these words. It is interesting to note that it is the same terminology that the U.S. is using to describe its strategy in Afghanistan. It doesn’t matter whether Indian state acknowledges or denies the term or the war it is waging on the people because the war is there on the ground. The entire people of India call it Operation Green Hunt.

We can understand Operation Green Hunt as a “war on the people of India” as well, and this is the main focus of the campaign. The ruling classes may play as much with words, but the truth is that it is a “war on the people of India”. What is this war about? The U.S. and other imperialists from European Union have sent military forces to Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya and other places and are fighting imperialist wars of occupation against the people of these countries. In India, too, the imperialists have the same designs as in Afghanistan and Iraq, and elsewhere, i.e., to grab all the natural resources, be it natural gas, petroleum, bauxite, coal or any other available resource. They have not yet sent in their military forces to India, even though imperialists are aiding the Indian government with military strategists, army generals, intelligence input, weapons, surveillance equipment, and so on. These imperialist warmongers think that these resources which belong to the people of India can be grabbed without directly involving themselves in a war. This is because Indian rulers are completely subservient to the imperialist forces and are fighting this war on behalf of the imperialists. The Indian government is fighting a war for the US and European imperialists and others by using the army of India and the paramilitary of India. The servile Indian rulers are sending our own army against our own people. The imperialists are planning and conducting this war in India by simply sitting in their own countries and executing it through the Indian government in waging their war. This is the true nature imperialism since beginning of 20th Century. The Indian government, the rulers of the country and India’s big corporations too are eagerly playing to the tune of the imperialists with a hope of earning some crumbs as spoils of war thrown at them. It is shameful for all of us citizens of India to see that the of army and paramilitary forces of our own county, which are supposed to protect Indian “sovereignty” and the Indian people’s freedom are being used to completely sell-out our “sovereignty” and to kill our own people in millions through genocides and massacres.

So it is a strange thing for the people in our part of the world, but this is the reality today. I would like to say that the campaign for the poorest of the poor in India who are fighting and resisting the imperialist onslaught is important to the people all over the world because the fight of the Indian poor people is not merely to defend themselves. It is against imperialism and against the monopoly bourgeoisie. And your fight against monopoly capital and our fight against its lackeys in India can build solidarity and come together to save humanity itself. This is a fight not to save the people of any particular country, but to save humanity and the entire earth, the only known place for human existence which is threatened by monopoly capital. So we have a larger reason for unity and a larger ground for solidarity. We must not see the national borders as barriers to our common fight since the question of the destruction of nature, natural resources and the people of global is concern today. Therefore the solidarity across the borders and the building of a common fight is something that the international community of democratic forces is the need of the hour.

Indiensolidaritet: So what does it mean this solidarity work for the peoples’ struggles and for the Indian government?

Saibaba: The solidarity movement for the Indian peoples’ struggles which is to be internationally established is very important and has the same significance today as the solidarity movement for the people of Vietnam during the sixties and seventies and for the people of Iraq and Afghanistan in the past decades. The Indian government’s war on the people is planned in a large scale and involves carefully planned genocides of the indigenous people of India who constitute a population which is larger than the population of Germany and Sweden put together. It is the indigenous people in the eastern and central India – the adivasis – who are targeted by the Indian rulers with active aid from the imperialist forces and the corporate sector. The biggest of the corporate houses from Europe and the U.S. have deep interests in this area. But they know that their interest will not be served unless the people, hundreds of millions of people, are removed from their ancestral land. Not coincidentally, these areas are also the areas which figure among the strongest resistance struggles in the world today. This massive war on the people by the imperialists and the Indian rulers together threatens to massacre these people and as democrats of the world we cannot afford to allow this to happen. In the 17th, 18th and 19th century the European bourgeoisie eliminated millions of indigenous people of Africa, North and South America, Australia and New Zealand. This could happen at that time because an international solidarity of democratic forces was absent or extremely weak. But in the present, at least since the days of the Second World War, there is a conscious international democratic solidarity which effectively raised their voices against the American war in Vietnam. They supported the democratic resistance against the U.S. military campaign in Vietnam and launched several campaigns that helped the Vietnamese people to gain strength and confidence. Similarly, an international campaign today will strengthen the resistance struggle of the people of India and will give them the confidence. They would be assured that the democratic voices of the world are with them and that the people of India are not alone in their struggle against imperialism and feudalism and to establish a new society. Indeed, a new society is already taking shape in these areas of struggle in India and it is our duty to inform the entire world about it. So is the significance of the international solidarity campaign. This is the need of the Indian people and also of the people of the democratic society at an international level. It is a historical task of the democratic forces of the world to defend and stand in solidarity with these fighting forces.

Indiensolidaritet: Can you tell us something about the solidarity work in relation to the Indian government? Is it somehow disturbing them that this solidarity exists?

Saibaba: Yes, the Indian government is worried about this international campaign for the fighting people of India. This is because the campaign also makes it clear that the tall claims of the Indian state – that it is one of the largest democracies of the world, that the economy of country is growing faster than other countries and that India is going to be the next superpower in Asia after China, and so on. All these falsehoods will come to light once the international campaign exposes the truth that India is not really a democratic state but is an autocratic and totalitarian state. It doesn´t allow democratic descent and there is no internal democracy in India. And also the so-called high economic growth in India is at the expense of millions of people. Today in India, 80 percent of the people live on less than half a dollar a day on overage in a year. This is worse than a subsistence economy, for in half a dollar a day you can´t even get something to eat and survive. In other words, the quality of life for the vast majority of Indian people is worse than that of the sub-Saharan populations, with the difference that the population in India is several hundred times more than that of all the sub-Saharan countries put together. We can say that instead of having the largest democracy in the world India has the largest population stricken by poverty, exploitation and oppression.

So the government of India is already worried about the international solidarity campaign which has the potential to expose the reality that it wants to hide from the world. When the international campaign takes shape and speaks up, it will be very difficult for the Indian government to maintain the falsehood that India is a democratic state. India’s growth story is like the history of colonial economies which grew out of internal and foreign exploitation. This growth rate is very vulnerable because it is sustained through exploitation, suppression and massacre of the vast masses of people for the benefit of a small minority. This economic growth is inhuman and temporary, since only a few families in India are reaping its benefits while the majority of the people are getting severely facing its brunt. And these realities are coming out now. The western media never brought out these realties to the international community. The Indian government suppresses such information and the imperialists too like to project India as a developing economy or lucrative investment destination. It is a fact that the imperialists don’t want the facts and realities of India to come out. The international campaign alone can bring out these facts and present them before the international community.

Indiensolidaritet: You mentioned earlier that it might be so that the Indian government will be more careful in its genocidal campaigns if there is a large public opinion that knows what’s really going on in India, behind all these lies.

Saibaba: Yes, the international campaign and your voices against the genocidal war in India have forced the government of India to rethink about its genocidal campaign. It has already started happening. For example, several protest demonstrations at Indian embassies in several countries in Europe, the US and South America put pressure on the Indian government. Initially in 2009, the government of India planned to complete the war on the people within three years. They wanted to evict the people from tens of thousands of villages within three years using army, paramilitary and other coercive forces. But the campaign within India and outside, particularly the international campaign, forced the Indian government to go slow on its plans. Though the Indian government went through with its deployment, it slowed down the military campaign and during these three years the peoples’ resistance got precious time to consolidate, build its defence and gain more strength. As a result, the carrying out of the military campaign became much more difficult for the Indian government in the last three years.  The resistance grew and expanded during this period and thus the international campaign has direct impact on the people who are resisting. The people also gained confidence and strength. One more example that I remember is as follows. Last March the government of India declared in the parliament that the campaign taken up by some organizations in India and outside has portrayed the government of India in poor light and that there is no war on the people of India. It was called a false propaganda to smear the image of the Indian government. This shows that the government of India have not been able to politically counter our collective international campaign and is forced to claim it as a false propaganda campaign. Officials of the government in the parliament say that the campaign actually has exposed the government of India. This shows how the government of India is concerned about maintaining its image which it feels is under threat due to the campaign. The real relevance of the international campaign began to be felt by by the Indian government itself. Thus the international campaign stands for the benefit of the people and for the protection of the peoples’ movement. It is a kind of legacy for the world people.

Indiensolidaritet: Of all the struggles we are supporting, the Naxalite movement is very important. What is the Naxalite movement of today?

Saibaba: You may know of the history of the Naxalite movement. The first ever armed rebellion of the tribal people in post-1947 period took place in the North Bengal village of Naxalbari in 1967. It opened up a new arena of class struggle and came to be known as the Naxalite movement. An important characteristic of this movement is that it is a peasants’ armed rebellion led by the proletariat. It is primarily an agrarian revolution, similar to what happened in China during the thirties an forties of the last century. The struggle that started from Naxalbari inspired the youth, intellectuals and the workers of India in every part of the country because they understood that any kind of struggle in India has to be based on the peasantry who constitute the vast majority of the population. Soon after 1967 the Indian government sent its army to suppress that movement and completely crushed that movement in Naxalbari, the one village. But Naxalbaris sprang up everywhere in India in the 1970s and 80s. In 600 regions in India they modelled themselves along Naxalbari uprising and today the armed revolutionary movement that is going on in vast parts of the countryside in India are a continuation of the Naxalbari uprising. Naxalbari has given the Indian people a vision and a future model of the struggle that runs along the axis of agrarian revolution. The understanding that the agrarian revolution will liberate the vast majority of the population following the proletarian ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism which is later called Maoism spread among the masses.

So, after the suppression of the Naxalbari uprising since the late 1960s the predominant trend of the peoples’ struggles is the path of Naxalbari, if are a keen researcher of history of all peoples’ struggles since 1947 in the subcontinent. That is why it is said that Naxalbari is the only path of struggle in India. This is the slogan you can see in every street, in every wall for the last 40 years. It is the writing on the wall in the subcontinent, despite all major attempts by Indian and Western European historians to hide this fact from the history writing. There is no doubt to say that the ideological position and trajectory of the Indian revolutionary movement has been shaped by the Naxalbari movement. Today the vast swathes of rural India are gripped by the ideology of Naxalbari – a revolutionary breakthrough which was aptly termed as “Spring Thunder in India” by China under Mao’s leadership. So the Spring Thunder is continuing and that is the basic line of struggle in India and constitutes the largest revolutionary resistance movement in India today, though this has not happened without colossal ups and downs.

Indiensolidaritet: As I understand it, there are several parties or groups that you can say belong to the Naxalite movement. Which are these parties?

Saibaba: In the 1970s there were mass uprisings in about 600 places following a split in the communist movement in India. The undivided communist movement represented by the Communist Party of India (CPI) split into CPI and CPI(Marxist) in 1964. In 1968 CPI(M) further split and CPI(Marxist-Leninist) was formed under the leadership of Charu Mazumdar. But in the decade of 1970s the Marxist-Leninist movement got split into several parties due to the differences on the questions of how to conduct the revolutionary struggle, attitude towards the Indian parliament and the attitude towards the imperialist forces and the Indian ruling classes. The splitting of the Marxist-Leninist party and the movement into small factions was the major trend in the seventies. But the decade of 1980s saw the consolidation of the major Marxist-Leninist parties in important regions of the country. The formation of major parties took place during this time. You can see three strands in party building – the party in South India called itself CPI (ML) (Peoples’ War) while in North India two parties emerged – Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) and CPI(ML) Party Unity. These three parties worked in three different areas in isolation from each other and without knowing much about each other. But they considerably expanded the revolutionary areas and later they came together.

But let me also tell you that there are other ML parties which do not believe in taking up armed struggle but they want it to start much later in the course of struggle. This can be understood as Phase Theory which many revolutionary parties in India conform to. According to this theory, in the first phase one has to prepare the masses through open and legal mass resistance struggles. In the second phase, underground organisation of the movement is carried out, while in the third phase the armed struggle is started. Though these parties had large mass base initially, due to their faulty understanding, they became smaller and smaller. This Phase Theory did not work. But the first of the three revolutionary parties I have mentioned started armed struggle straight away, as they did not believe in phases of revolution. They analysed that a revolutionary situation already exists in Indian society and the people can be organized for an armed movement. Even they believed and understood that armed forms of struggles predate their own existence. Hence they need to lead them with the MLM ideology at the centre. They succeeded while the rest of the groups became weaker and alienated from the oppressed masses. The revolutionary classes and individuals in the society came together in the larger revolutionary groups and these groups expanded over time. On the other hand, those groups which believed that they should spread the revolutionary ideas by going to the parliament or believed that they should start the armed struggle much later, could not carry forward the revolutionary movement. They remained for forty years in the same preparatory stage and are now smaller forces – almost non-existent – even foregoing their character as revolutionary forces. But those who believed from the very beginning that the phase theory is wrong, that the Indian parliament has no relevance in India and that the peoples struggles’ can and should start with armed struggle became major revolutionary forces. They joined hands and merged in 2004 to become Communist Party of India (Maoist) – the largest and the most formidable revolutionary force in India. About ten smaller ML parties still exist, but they have no relevance, leading no major struggle, thereby existing only on paper mainly. One such organization is called CPI(ML) Liberation which contest parliamentary elections in some pockets of the country. People consider it to be a revisionist group like the CPI and CPI(M) which has no radical or revolutionary content and relevance. On the other hand, CPI(Maoist) has emerged as the single largest Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Party of the country after the coming together of all revolutionary forces in India. The movement it leads is still called the Naxalite movement because its origins lie in the Naxalbari village.

Indiensolidaritet: Ok, but I also heard that there are parities called CPI(Naxabari) and CPI(ML) (Janashakti) that exists and some people also call them progressive.

 

Saibaba: As I said, there are about ten parties including CPI(Naxabari) which is a small group with a revolutionary spirit. They have not gone down the path of other parliamentary Marxist-Leninist groups. They are close to CPI(Maoist) than the revisionist ML groups. Similarly, two or three other very small parties which have a revolutionary content are much closer to CPI(Maoist). But the rest of the parties, CPI(ML) New Democracy, CPI(ML) Kanu Sanyal and some lesser known parties called CPI(ML) Provisional Committee, CPI(ML) Second Central Committee etc. have no revolutionary content left in them and are more or less like the revisionist parties. They hardly have any influence among the people.

Indiensolidaritet: We are using the flag of the Revolutionary Peoples’ Councils and its logo for our organization. Can you say something on how and where this peoples’ government is developed?

Saibaba: The Revolutionary Peoples’ Councils (RPC) have come up gradually, particularly in Bastar encompassing south Chhattisgarh. There are about a few thousand of such RPCs in Bastar, and some of them have also come up in Odisha, Andrah Pradesh, Jharkandh and Bihar. But in Bastar RPCs and the peoples’ government have developed to a higher level. In the rest of the areas too they are developing in the same direction. The RPCs are called Janatana Sarkars in the local language in Bastar. Janatana means ‘of the people’ and sarkar means ‘government’ – ‘peoples’ government’. In the political language of the revolution they are called Peoples’ Revolutionary Councils. They are formed and elected by the people in a direct election where the entire village sits together and elects. The ruling-class elements in the village have no voting rights while all the people from the oppressed classes have voting rights. Once the peoples’ government is elected it acts like a government of the village which has several committees, such as the development committee, the health committee, the education committee, the security committee and the peoples’ militia. Peoples’ militia works under the village government or the RPC. The government has full political power and it works for the people. If any elected member is not functioning according to the expectations and interests of the village and people, the constitution of the RPCs provides the right to the people to recall the member and re-elect another person in his/her place.

The peoples’ government or the RPCs promote and develop indigenous technology in industry and agriculture. They don’t depend on the technology or the so-called development model that are imposed by imperialists and the ruling elite. The very idea of development according to peoples’ own technology, knowledge and skill is part of this experiment. The effort of the RPCs is to raise the level of peoples’ consciousness and cultural level. The technology they use is in consonance with the consciousness and the level of the peoples’ culture so that there is no feeling of alienation between work and knowledge. In the process, they completely reject the technology developed and promoted by imperialists and the comprador bourgeoisie which are oppressive and exploitative. So the development that is experienced in the villages with RPCs is based on a self-reliant economy. The hundreds and thousands of these committees and councils have established a self-reliant economy based on their own needs, own resources and their own technology. This is a complete negation of the model of ‘development’ dependent on imperialism, imperialist technology and imperialist funds which has been introduced by Indian rulers in 1947. It is through this imperialist technology and imperialist investment that the exploitation of our country and resources has taken place. ‘The revolutionary people and the revolutionary peoples’ councils completely reject this. So in these areas of central and eastern India where agriculture was developed only to a rudimentary level, the people through RPCs have developed agriculture and fisheries, small-scale industry and so on. As a result, for the first time in the history of these regions, the vast masses of the people have successes in creating surplus, and socialise it without allowing it transform into capital.

The RPCs have systematically carried out land distribution among the indigenous people and other oppressed people, so that there are no landless people in the areas under RPCs today. RPCs put the surplus back in collective agricultural farming, while everybody gives their voluntary labour. The people produce their crops and a portion of it goes to the common pool overseen by the peoples’ government. The rest of the produce is distributed among the people as per their requirements. It is not just only the agricultural produce that the people collectively control, but the RPCs also regulate all trade and commercial activities in their purview to establish and ensure non-exploitative exchange. But they still require necessities like medicine and other products that the RPCs do not produce. So the surplus produce that remains after being used for the village is sent to the market. So the surplus that is generated in the village is used for the welfare of the village, again socialising it. But this is welfare from a revolutionary perspective, and has nothing to do with the government’s welfare schemes which are launched to keep social discontent under check. The surplus generated in this manner serves the people in that the RPC uses it for their health, education and other requirements apart from putting it back for the development of agriculture and industry, i.e., for further revolutionising production. In this way a new society is being built in India by the most oppressed of the people. As a part of this process, the feudal and reactionary cultural practices are being discarded on the one hand while imperialist culture and exploitation is being resisted on the other. RPCs are the foundations of this new society. The revolutionary movement wants to expand the RPCs from the village level to the block level and gradually a larger government will be formed at the district level. With the development of RPCs in different parts of India, the power of the Indian rulers will be overthrown and peoples’ power will be established in their place. Peoples’ power is at the centre of these Revolutionary Peoples Councils. Like the slogan of “All Power to Soviets” in revolutionary Russia, “All Power to the People” is the slogan of the revolutionary movement in India. The RPCs have all the power, which is the implementation of the slogan “All Power to the People”. This is the guiding principle with which the RPCs function in all spheres of social life in the revolutionary regions.

Indiensolidaritet: Do you know how the Maoist party is related to the new government?

Saibaba: The peoples’ government has the party committee within its core. It is not the case that all the people in this government are party members, but a section of them are. When representatives to the RPCs are elected, both party members as well as non-party members will be there. The party functions through these party committees within the RPCs. So you can understand that the RPC is like a united front, because there are communists, non-communists and general people. CPI(Maoist) does not believe that Revolutionary Peoples Councils should be run by the party alone. In the RPCs, members of the party work with the common people who have traditional wisdom and knowledge of the struggle. Like in a united front, in RPCs, Maoist party forces and non-party forces come together to form the peoples’ government. The party members elected to the government function as per party ideology to develop revolutionary consciousness among other members of the Revolutionary Peoples Council.

Indiensolidaritet: How is the Peoples Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) related to the peoples’ militia? Is the peoples’ militia the backbone of the PLGA?

Saibaba: As far as my study and understanding of this vast movement goes, I can say that the militia is constituted by the participation of a large number of people in the villages, and therefore the militia is called the basic force. Behind the militia functions the Peoples Liberation Guerrilla Army. So the PLGA is very much dependent on the militia. The peoples’ militia is the basic force and the PLGA is the main revolutionary army. But all basic requirements related to the defence of the revolutionary areas and the revolutionary movement are taken care of by the militia because they are the largest force in number and it should be the principal force. However, the growth of the peoples militia can only begin after the PLGA is established in an area. But once people’s militia develops, the PLGA goes to the background. Then, the PLGA is called in only when the militia needs reinforcement. Otherwise the PLGA does not take the main role in the armed struggle. So the first on the frontlines of the revolutionary armed struggle is the peoples’ militia followed by the PLGA. This is what I have understood in the emergence and development the people’s militia in different areas of Central and Eastern India over the last two decades of the history of this trajectory.

Indiensolidaritet: Some people might say, “Oh the party is controlling everything”. What do you think?

Saibaba: People who do not know how a revolutionary party like the CPI (Maoist) functions or those who would like to malign the Maoist party may say such things. But then there places where wrong things are practised or mistakes happen. But then it is not to be understood as the policy of the CPI (Maoist).  But if you see the reality and closely follow the movement, you can understand that the CPI (Maoist) gives primary importance to the agency of the common people in their area. It is the people who themselves take the initiative in struggles. There are many examples of this. The roadmap of how to develop a village in a revolutionary way or how to develop guerrilla warfare is not centrally given by the CPI (Maoist). In these areas the people know of this through practice through their own history of struggles. For example, the indigenous people have a long history of waging guerrilla fight. They fought the armies of the Mughal emperors and the British colonialists in hundreds of rebellions in all of the last three hundred or more years of their known history, and this is equally true of their earlier history as well – a peoples’ history which is yet to be written. They might not have termed it as guerrilla warfare, but the history of the peoples’ uprisings in these areas is invariably of guerrilla fight. There were about 150 armed rebellions against the British by the tribal people mostly written but many more which were not yet properly written– the indigenous people – and in each one of them they won while the British were defeated. The mighty force of British imperialists was defeated by the tribal people with superior knowledge of the terrain and but with simple bows and arrows. They seized the weapons of the imperialist invaders and used them against the British. Not always more developed social formation has won over the less developed social formation. One such massive uprising is the Bhumkal Rebellion of 1910 in the Bastar region. The rebellious tribal people used sophisticated guerrilla methods against the British forces and defeated them. In popular memory all these methods are still alive because they have taught each other and passed on the experience of guerrilla warfare from one generation to the other. Therefore, it is not the CPI (Maoist) who taught guerrilla warfare techniques to the indigenous people. Rather, it is the indigenous people who taught them how to wage guerrilla warfare. A public intellectual in India called B D Sharma who worked with the adivasis for the last 50 years always reminds us about this in his public lectures and writings. In this example we can see that the initiative, assertion and creativity in every stage of the struggle come from amongst the people, including the development model they have chalked out for themselves. In the revolutionary movement the people are at the centre. The Maoists give utmost importance to the peoples’ initiative, assertion and participation, particularly the people’s agency in the revolution. Any party which places itself at the centre can’t become an instrument of revolutionary change because it’s the people’s agency that develops to transform the society in toto that that can play this role. So the people and their party advance the movement together. This is really where the party has played its role – by creating the conditions for the people to take initiative and unleash their full potentials, creativity and regeneration in the making of a new society free from exploitation and oppression. And then the history is created by the masses of people themselves, whose agency is central to this process.

 

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