Resolution against communal-fascism

By | April 22, 2012

Resolution against communal-fascism


It has been exactly ten years since the genocide against Muslims was carried out by RSS-VHP-Bajrang Dal and other organisations of the Sangh giroh in Gujarat starting from 28 February 2002 with the active involvement of the state machinery. Organised by the chief minister Narendra Modi and his RSS cohorts, it saw the killing of 3000 Muslims in a meticulously planned manner with full support from the state machinery, including the police and government administration reminiscent of the horrors of Nazi extermination of the Jews. Even after ten years of ordeal the affected people of Gujarat genocide have of course been denied justice. While 11 Muslims have been handed down death sentence falsely implicating them for burning the Sabarmati Express in Godhra, none of the Hindu fascists involved in the Gujarat pogrom has been given such a sentence.


The religious minorities of India cannot expect justice from the present exploitative system for the crimes they have suffered. One cannot expect the same socio-political system which has continued to carry out the genocides of religious minorities, oversaw the demolition of Babri Masjid and the countrywide massacre of Muslims following it, waged a domestic version of US’s ‘war on terror’, failed to punish the perpetrators of communal-fascist genocides and mass-murders, to deliver justice to the religious minorities and guarantee a life of equality, dignity and political freedom. All religious minorities – be it the Muslims, Christians or Sikhs – have borne the brunt of Hindu communal-fascist genocides and persecution , no matter which party of the ruling classes are in power. The genocides against religious minorities whether in Gujarat, Kandhamal or Bharatpur, illustrate the Hindu communal nature of the Indian state and the ruling classes. For all shades of parliamentary parties Muslims are either vote bank or ‘terrorists’.


The Congress – the political party of the feudal forces and the comprador bourgeoisie – has also shown its Hindu communal-fascist character. The Sikhs who were targeted and massacred by the Congress in 1984 are still awaiting justice even after 28 years, while the culprits are roaming free enjoying state patronage. It was the Congress government at the centre which opened the gates of the Babri Masjid in late 1980s for the Hindutva brigade which ultimately stormed the mosque in 1992 presided over by another Congress government at the centre.


The Hindu communal politics of CPI (M) is well exposed by the terming of madrassas by Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, while being the CM of Bengal, as the dens of terrorists. Its hostility and apathy towards religious minorities was in evidence in Nandigram where Muslim peasants were at the forefront of the anti-SEZ struggle. The marginalisation and discrimination faced by the Muslim community in Bengal during more than three decades of CPI(M) rule has been come to the fore in the Sachar Committee Report. In Kerala the same social-fascist party has persecuted Muslim activists as ‘fundamentalists’, particularly those sections of Muslims which are associated with militant Muslim organisations.  The hollowness of the so called ‘secular’ pretentions of the parliamentary Left is further illustrated in their opportunist electoral alliance with communal parties like the BJD, AIADMK, TDP and so on. The experience in the last 65 years of ‘Indian democracy’ has shown that this Hindu-majoritarian, fascist state and its auxiliaries of legislature, executive, judiciary, parliamentary parties, police and army, etc. will only protect the interest of the feudal-comprador and Hindu-brahminical ruling classes of the country, not the oppressed masses belonging to the religious minorities.


Even government-sponsored reports such as the Sachar Committee Report and the Rangnath Mishra Committee Report has brought to light the deplorable economic and social status of the Muslims – the largest religious minority community in India – which is said to be even worse than the Dalits in some aspects. After the launch of the US-led worldwide ‘war on terror’ on Muslims to save the crisis-ridden imperialist economy, the Indian ruling classes too have been aggressively persecuting the Muslims of India. The Sangh-giroh have executed many bomb-blasts and other terrorist acts targeting the Muslims in the last few years, while thousands of Muslim youth have been falsely implicated by the Indian state in charges under draconian ‘anti-terror’ laws like TADA, POTA, UAPA, NSA and imprisoned for years in jails. Muslim youth organisations like SIMI have been banned without any basis – in order to terrorise and force the Muslims into submission and silence. Fake encounters of the likes of Batla House and torture are regularly deployed by the state to break any resistance by them against the continued injustice and oppression.


Fascism and imperialism are historical allies. They feed into each other. And therefore today when imperialism is in a crisis owing to the unprecedented world economic crisis, the subservient ruling classes in India are whipping up of communal sentiments to cover up the lack of development in every aspect of social lives and misdirect the real grievances of the people regarding their deplorable material conditions. Just like the Nazis did with the Jews, Hindutva brigade picks up the Muslim and off late the Christian community, as the scape-goat for all the problems, real or imaginary.


The Sangh-giroh represents the landlords, the casteist semi-feudal authorities and the comprador big bourgeoisie, whose interest today are directly tied to US imperialism and global finance capital. Therefore the fight against Hindu communal-fascism has to be necessarily the fight against imperialism, and vice versa. The fight against communal-fascism therefore has to be a fight against the economic and social policies that dispossess people of their land and livelihood, subsidize the rich with the tax-payer’s money, which compels mass suicide of peasants, ruins small traders by redesigning the retail sector according to MNC diktats. It is underdevelopment and regressive production relations that feed into religious fundamentalism, and particularly Hindu communal-fascism. The fight against communal-fascism is not just ideological, but is a struggle against the whole social structure, on which the Indian state is based.


The need therefore is to build and strengthen the struggle for a revolutionary social transformation by smashing the Hindu fundamentalist forces and destroying the existing regressive system. The ongoing revolutionary armed people’s movement with the participation of dalits, adivasis, women, peasants and workers across the country is today the only fitting challenge to the imperialist forces and its Hindutva communal-fascist allies in India. Our inspiration to fight comes from these unabated fighters and their uncompromising, courageous struggles against the morbid forces of imperialism, feudalism and the comprador bourgeoisie. This house resolves to reaffirm its solidarity with this revolutionary struggle that alone can smash the forces of communal-fascism and combat imperialism along with overhauling the current oppressive, unjust and exploitative structure.